Pan-Mayanism and Multiculturalism in Guatemala

Kay B. Warren
Anthropology/Princeton
kbwarren@princeton.edu>
v. 3/20/98



It is a great pleasure to be a part of these continuing dialogues. This presentation has been drafted for the conference on Development and Democratization in Guatemala: Proactive Responses to Globalization, Universidad del Valle, Guatemala City, March 26-28, 1998. My thanks to Paul Firbas for the translation. Feed back is most welcome. You may cite but contact the author for final changes in the text if you quote. <kbwarren@princeton.edu>Let me begin by thanking the conference organizers for the opportunity to add my contribution to the work of this historic conference.

This essay challenges the common view that rural communities are the only legitimate locus of cultural and ethnic identity. In so doing, this inquiry seeks to illustrate the pervasiveness of pan-Maya social ties in Guatemalan history and to weigh competing theoretical explanations of the rise of a politicized Pan-Maya cultural resurgence in Guatemala in the 1980s and 1990s. The analysis also examines one of the Maya movement's central contributions to Guatemala's post-war reconstruction, the concept of Guatemala as un país multiétnico, pluricultural y multilingüe ("a multi-ethnic, culturally plural, and multi-lingual" country).

It would be a mistake to dismiss Pan-Mayanism--which in its most basic form signifies the development of cross-community and cross-language social exchanges among historically related Maya groups--as a novel contemporary occurrence without historical antecedents. Locating Maya identity exclusively at the local community level--rather than seeing its involvement in translocal processes and tensions--is an act with distinctive political significance at different points in Guatemala's history. Anthropology's strong community studies tradition in Mesoamerica--which begin in the 1930s and became the dominant genre for representing Maya culture in the 1950s through the 1980s--contributed to this local-centric casting of Maya identity. Non-anthropologists tended to assume that once out of their communities Maya identities were unilaterally supplanted by class identities.
Moving back in history, it is evident that Precolumbian Mesoamerica was a heterogenous region of centralized and decentralized states with fluid boundaries that developed in lowland Peten and Yucatan and highland Guatemala and Chiapas from the beginning of the first millennium. Archaeologists now argue that large urban centers were the exception rather than the rule in a cultural system in which boundaries were fluid and cultural and religious syncretism common. The rise of decentralized federative states--with diffuse structures of power and the consequent potential for rapidly shifting alliances that flowed from their segmentary organization--characterized the highlands in the period just before the Spanish invasion of Guatemala. Pre-Columbian highland societies maintained their own specifically regional character while they shared with lowland societies an ancient transcultural Olmec background and later influence from Toltec and Nahuatl emissaries who came from the north and married into Maya groups. (Carmack 1994; Henderson 1994; Fox 1987).
Spanish colonialism in the sixteenth century fragmented the highland states, undermined elite control, and resettled Maya populations into discrete county-like units--into reducciones that became municipios and the focus of missionization and forced labor policies. In response to colonial fragmentation, Maya cultural loyalties and languages became profoundly localized. Each municipio honored its own elders, Maya priests (aj q'ijab), sacred mountains, saint societies, and Maya kinship and social organization (Watanabe 1992; Carmack 1973, 1981; Hill and Monaghan 1987).
However there were always countercurrents to extreme fragmentation as evident in distinctive regional histories and the striking cultural commonalities across highland communities (Watanabe 1990). Anthropologists and historians have drawn attention to important regional differences in Maya communities' relation to the national political economy and their involvement with national movements (Wilson 1995; Watanabe 1998). In a path-breaking social history, Robert Carmack (1995) shows how regional elites pursued cross-community politics and ties to the state in Momostenango. Carol Smith (1993) notes that interregional trade from Totonicapán brought Mayas into regular contact with distant municipios and other language groups. Quetzaltenango, Guatemala's second largest city, emerged as a nineteenth-century Maya center of government and commerce. The government's political-administrative division of the highlands into departments and the recognition of former hamlets as municipal centers lead not infrequently to municipios that incorporated hamlets of speakers of closely related languages.
Everyday life has involved transactions across all sorts of Maya social differences. Although community endogamy may be an expressed ideal, family histories commonly describe the inter-marriage of Maya youths across languages and between families brought together through work and commerce. Violence at different historical periods and population growth surpassing land resources have been other motivations for migration. Maya professionals find themselves marrying fellow students or coworkers across language divides. Communities handle language diversity in different ways. In some instances, dialect differences are understood as normal variations within the community; in others, outlying hamlets speak different languages as a result of immigration of different groups (Brintnall 1979). Municipal markets often bring people together across languages. "These differences aren't really so great," Kaqchikel Mayas told me as they described encounters with K'ichee' speakers from Totonicapán and Chichicastenango.
Loyalty to place has not precluded geographical mobility. In the western highlands, many local communities practiced regular pilgrimages that took participants far from home. The nineteenth-century opening of the Pacific coast to commercial plantation agriculture combined with new methods of forced labor that compelled workers to spend part of each year in dangerous conditions as laborers on commercial plantations brought expanding lines of pan-community contact. Thus, it would not be surprising to find oral histories that show great loyalty to home and place and many lines of contact among Maya communities and, of course, with Spanish-speaking Ladinos.
Pan-Maya contact was intensified in the middle of the twentieth century by the creation of Catholic Action groups in rural communities. Promoted by the Catholic Church in the 1950s to compete with Leftist politics generated by the revolutionary governments of Presidents Arbenz and Arévalo, this movement brought Maya families together across communities through their identification as sacramental Catholics and catechists. The U.S.-funded agrarian cooperative movement focused on rural communities in the 1960s and 1970s and fostered regional social ties through adult education programs and federation meetings. The availability of chemical fertilizer through these cooperatives improved the quality of life for those with access to small plots of land and freed some families from annual migrations for plantation work. The irony was that these attempts to channel the politicization of rural communities generated wider social ties and alliances with important political ramifications (Warren 1978; Falla 1978a).
By the early 1970s some Maya families, though the numbers were very small, had the money to educate their children to be something other than peasant agriculturalists, petty traders, and migratory laborers. In other cases, children from modest backgrounds were able to take advantage of scholarships from the Catholic Church or international development groups to continue their studies. There were multiple routes to what was to become an emergent Maya middle class. Most often, when young people moved past localized elementary schools and gained admission to junior high or high schools--in those days they were most often Catholic schools such as the Seminary in Sololá and the Santiago Institute in Antigua--they found themselves studying far from home with Mayas from other regions and language groups. Often they were punished if they spoke Maya languages at school. The Proyecto Lingüístico Francisco Marroquín, a center for Maya linguistic training and research in Antigua, became another route to education and mobility for Mayas from economically marginal backgrounds. In the 1970s, when younger Mayas began a language shift to Spanish as their domestic language, the Proyecto Lingüístico Francisco Marroquín was unusual for the value it placed on Maya languages and their revitalization.
As the counterinsurgency war engulfed the highlands in the late 1970s and early 1980s, some young Maya intellectuals found themselves drawn to radicalism, others to clarifying the basis for a Maya-identified consciousness through debates with Ladino Leftists in Guatemalan universities (Smith 1990b, 1991, 1992). At that point, the Left saw class conflict as the primary political issue and assimilation as the only future for Mayas (Cojtí 1997a; Hale 1994; Smith 1990a). Others pursued their education outside the country, sometimes after fleeing genocidal violence. The leadership of the Maya movement has come from these diverse sources. Most of the urban leadership maintains close ties and direct involvement in their home communities in the highlands.
How does one account for the development of a politically engaged Pan-Mayanism, one that moves past the historical fact of Maya interaction across the heterogeneity of community, class, and region to a social movement active in national affairs? Since the late 1980s, the Maya movement has focused on institution building around language issues, cultural revitalization, and collective rights, with the goal of reconfiguring the Guatemalan state and national culture (Oxlajuuj Keej 1993; Raxche' 1995; Universidad Rafael Landívar 1997; Garzon et al. forthcoming; COMG 1991; Cojtí 1991, 1992, 1994, 1995, 1997a; Solares 1993). The task seemed to be a very daunting one in the late 1980s as small organizations with little funding and no regular staff opened offices and started to hold meetings to encourage the development of libraries, seminars, courses, conferences, publications, and schools. Seemingly overnight--but, in fact, through years of private meetings, workshops, and lectures--the number of organizations proliferated and the scope of the movement emerged with its distinctive specialization in cultural issues and education and its critique of Ladino racism (Cojtí 1996a, 1997a).
The Maya movement found itself engaging in coalitional politics with the grassroots popular movement during the eight-year process of the peace negotiations through the variety of organizations that became the Coordination of the Maya Pueblo in Guatemala (Saqb'ilchil-COPMAGUA). I have argued elsewhere that Pan-Maya/popular antagonism and collaboration influenced both movements to address issues beyond their earlier specializations. This cross-fertilization has also fostered organizations, such as CONIC, that are concerned with cross-cutting issues (Warren 1998; Bastos and Camus 1995, 1996; Cojtí 1997a; Segundo Encuentro 1991).
Many, though not all, of the Maya movement's concerns were represented in the Accord on Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples which was signed on March 31, 1995, by the government, military, and URNG high command. It became part of the final document at the conclusion of the peace process a year later. (Saqb'ichil-COPMAGUA 1995).
The identity accords called on the government to pursue the following commitments and reforms:

Recognition of communal lands and the reform of the legal system so indigenous interests are adequately represented in the adjudication of land disputes. The distribution of state lands to communities with insufficient land.

Despite the achievement of indigenous accords in a country slow to recognize its Maya majority, Mayanists hold that the accord process was seriously flawed because it was frustratingly secretive, included indirect and very limited input from Mayas through the Assembly of Civil Society, and failed to follow Maya norms of consultation with their communities and elders. Of great concern is the fact that the final document dealt only obliquely with collective rights. Major issues such as the recognition of regional autonomy, historic land rights, and the officialization of Maya leadership norms were deemed irreconcilable and dropped. In practice, governmental "promises to promote" the various legislative reforms outlined in the accords left many loopholes and ambiguities in a political system where anti-reform forces are experienced and well-organized. Other central issues were eliminated from the agenda when they were transferred for discussion to negotiations for the accord on socioeconomic issues. What could one expect, complained the Rutzijol editorialists, given that the formal negotiations were between guerrilla leaders and government representatives?
The implementation of the indigenous accords inevitably became complex politically and economically. After all, the mandate of the peace accords included demilitarization, refugee return, socioeconomic issues, and democratization among other pressing concerns (Cojtí 1996b). Adequate representation of Mayas on the commissions charged with designing implementation policies was hotly contested, especially in the field of education. The education commission was faulted for initially including representatives of the country's major urban universities yet neglecting to include Maya educators who, given that they have direct experience with rural schools serving a much larger multilingual constituency, merit a major role in the proceedings (MINUGUA 1998).
The decision to make indigenous rights a separate stage in the peace negotiations--which, after all, were explicitly convened to demobilize armed forces and establish the framework for political peace--signified a breakthrough for the movement. After summarizing critiques of the civil assembly's process, Mayanist representative José Serech reported that Mayanist groups nevertheless concluded: "The accord widens and opens space in all levels of national life,...space that until our time has been historically reserved by the colonizers and their descendants. It is a formal instrument to combat racism" (1995: 7). The document calls for an explicit public acknowledgement of the fierce discrimination Guatemala's Maya majority has endured on the basis of their distinctive origin, culture, and language. As a consequence, the document argues, Maya Guatemalans have often been unable to exercise their rights or gain effective political representation.

Explaining the Emergence of the Maya Movement


Why did this movement emerge when it did, given that Maya politics were marginalized by authoritarian regimes, ignored by political parties during the formal transition to civilian rule from 1984 to 1986, and dismissed by important elements of the popular movement (Hale 1994; C. Smith 1991, 1992; Falla 1978a; Bastos and Camus 1995, 1996; Jonas 1991)? Researchers have advanced several explanations of the politicization of indigenous identities in Latin America. All are tied, directly or indirectly, to the impact of the end of the Cold War on international affairs, national politics, and rural communities in particular. These explanations offer distinctive framings of the interplay of local communities, the emergence of Maya-identified leaders, and the international recognition of indigenous politics.
(1) The Maya holocaust explanation holds that the counterinsurgency war, particularly the violent military offensives of 1980-83, produced a Maya identity that became more overtly politicized. During this period, the army focused on highland Maya regions and trained troops to see cultural distinctiveness as a danger in and of itself. In the early 1980s, hundreds of Maya communities were subject to violent interventions by the armed forces, 20% of the national population was displaced, and more than 75,000 civilians were killed. Mayas were forcefully recruited into the military and compelled to participate in "civil self-defense patrols" (PACs) which monitored the countryside and reported about local affairs to the army. The lesson of this violence was that in the midst of a war to root out leftist guerrillas ethnicity did matter despite the fact that this was not an ethnic war per se (see Montejo and Akab' 1992; Montejo 1993; Lovell 1988; Adams 1995; Manz 1988; Schirmer 1998; Bastos and Camus 1996).

(2) The shift from revolution to the discourse of human rights explanation holds that the fall of the Soviet Union and the consequent erosion of support for Latin American guerrilla movements at the end of the Cold War forced the international Left to rethink its political agenda. The language of rights offered an alternative internationalist critique of authoritarianism--building on the Left's traditional involvement with labor issues--and the vision for a radical grassroots democracy (Stavenhagen 1988, 1996; Bastos and Camus 1995, 1996). While indigenous groups in the Americas have drawn on the discourse of human rights, they have dramatically expanded the scope of this discourse by pressing for self-determination and recognition as peoples/nations (Pueblos) with collective rights rooted in their own languages, cultures, and original control of lands in dispute (Halperin and Scheffer 1992; Cojtí 1994, 1995).

(3) The troubled democratization explanation argues that the current moment of politicized resurgence is tied to the democratic opening--however problematic after years of punishing military control--that occurred in many Latin American states in the 1980s and 1990s. Deborah Yashar (1996, forthcoming) insightfully argues that the accompanying neoliberal economic reforms mandated by the IMF endangered rural subsistence. As authoritarian governments were pushed by international organizations to liberalize their regimes, hold elections, and honor basic civil rights, indigenous groups emerged publicly to press concerns that had found no legal channel in the repressive years before.

(4) Finally, the international diaspora explanation focuses on Latin America's economic and political dislocations of the 1980s and 1990s, that compelled rural populations in larger numbers than before to see subsistence, safe havens, and economic mobility outside their home communities and often outside their own countries. In a very important reexamination of the Western social scientific conceptualization of rural populations as "peasants," Michael Kearney (1996: 181) argues that "post-peasant" politics takes on an ethnic as opposed to a class character for very specific reasons. In Kearney's study, the forced geographic mobility of formerly agrarian populations near the Mexican-American border means that families often earn a living by working in multiple, often marginal, niches in very different transnational economies. In the face of this polyculturalism, ethnicity becomes the social glue that allows dispersed people to continue to feel a sense of common purpose and kinship across migratory networks, from small rural communities and their neighboring cities in Latin America to the fields and cities of California.

Each of these explanations has merit in the Guatemalan case where ethnic discrimination seemed unresponsive to the education and aspirations of an emergent Maya middle class (Otzoy and Sam Colop 1990; Watanabe 1994; Fischer 1993; Fischer and Brown 1996; Cojtí 1997a). Together they illuminate the shift from non-political pan-Mayanism before the 1960s to the Maya movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Together these explanations account for key features of national and international political economies, the discourses through which Maya demands have been made, the mutual influence of social movements with the democratic opening, and the attraction of cultural identity as a medium for social identification in a world of increasing geographical mobility.
In the Guatemalan instance, the boundaries of peasant-like communities have been torn by violence at different historical periods and eroded by the concentration of land in the hands of wealthy families which leaves a land base insufficient for the growing population. Secondary education and special continuing education opportunities, which often called young adults away from their home communities, increased the internal differentiation of rural communities. Individuals have been recruited by organizations with strong national and international ties: development projects, religious groups, educational programs, and political groups. Increased geographical mobility --and the after effects of the war that displaced so much of the highland Maya population--means that many young Guatemalans work in a variety of nonagrarian occupations in towns and cities not only in Guatemala but also in the U.S. Yet both societies are ambivalent about indigenous workers.
With its blend of tradition and novelty, Pan-Mayanism offers a language for common identification in the face of fragmentation and dislocation, designs for transcommunity affiliation, and nonmanual job opportunities. The movement is especially attuned to the dilemmas facing post-peasants who have managed to superarse, to get ahead as many agrarian parents wish for their children. In prizing Maya culture, the movement has given educated Mayas a continuing stake in the future of their home communities. With its emphasis on community councils, the movement seeks to include those for whom agrarian life remains central. Maya cosmology--its agrarian ontology, sacred cycles, social preoccupations, and syncretic aesthetics--has been selectively used by a variety of interests as a marker of the intimacy of community in the countryside and as a common moral language for transcommunity movements. Thus, these ethnic "post-peasants" continue to reaffirm religious meaning and cultural distinctiveness through an idiom that reflects their Maya-agrarian roots.
As John Watanabe (1999: 4) insightfully suggests, "Rather than objectifying culture as essential traits that endure or erode, anthropologists have come to treat Maya cultures in Guatemala as strategic self-expressions of Maya identity, motivated--and thus presumably more appropriately authenticated--by Maya propensities and possibilities in the present rather than by pre-Hispanic primordialisms."

Pluricultural Images of Guatemala


An important contribution to Guatemala's post-war reconstruction has been the concept of Guatemala as "a multi-ethnic, culturally plural, and multi-lingual" country. The Maya movement has long challenged the homogenous hispanic construction of Guatemalan national culture. They argue that the assimilationist policies generated by creole nationalism to build a modern liberal society reinforced invidious prejudice. National policies amounted to epistemic ethnocide; that is, they denied Maya communities the right to use their languages and cultural resources in the present and to imagine their own Maya future, whatever it might hold (Cojtí 1996b; Nelson 1998).
The peace accords have enshrined a pluricultural language for Guatemalan nationalism--one in which citizenship does not compel cultural, ethnic, or linguistic uniformity. This discursive shift has been marked by a great deal of controversy and continuing resistance. Its advocates see the language of rights and cultural recognition as opening the door for important reforms in education, indigenous language officialization, the court system, administrative decentralization, and the protection of holy places (Cojtí 1995, 1997b, 1997c; Universidad Rafael Landívar 1997; CECMA 1994). Its skeptics see Guatemala's economic crisis, class tensions, land and refugee problems, demilitarization, civil violence, party politics, and the inevitable end to international assistance for reconstruction as overwhelming the specific changes called for in the indigenous accords. Yet demands that the Maya majority be represented in all areas of government and public life, rather than limited to "indigenous issues," mean that there will be continued pressures for multiethnic inclusive democratization.
The Maya movement--as a variety of institutions and Maya leaders who share a cultural agenda yet practice diverse politics--has already made concrete contributions to a more inclusive democracy through its educational programs (CECMA 1992). Small rural communities often lack elementary education past the third grade; high rates of alienation and attrition mean many children do not benefit from the education that is available. Although some bilingual programs such as PRONEBI existed in the past, few teachers were literate in their Maya language and assimilation seemed the goal (CEM-G 1994; Cojtí 1992).
Over the last six years, Maya elementary schools and adult education programs have shown that it is possible to create culturally affirming schools. The Institute de Lingüística of Rafael Landívar University and Cholsamaj Press have demonstrated that it is possible to produce text books promoting literacy and cultural affirmation in Maya languages. CEDIM promotes Maya schools by training administrators and teachers. Government programs such as PRONADE work to expand school coverage and parental involvement in underserved areas of the country. Radio education programs such as IGER promote Maya language instruction knowing there are now jobs for Maya speakers as professionals in national democratization efforts. The Pan-Maya leadership has envisioned the creation of a Maya university (CECMA 1992; CEM-G 1994; Tay Coyoy 1996; Salazar Tezagüic 1995). It is in these institution-building programs that the Maya movement has made special contributions to the country's children. That other groups--among them A.I.D. and the Rigoberta Menchú Foundation--have become increasingly active in promoting education and Maya languages in rural communities demonstrates the importance and current appeal of what had long been neglected in national development agendas with their history of concentration on urban schools.
The Maya movement has worked for Maya cultural resurgence and a decentralized democracy in which self-administration would be possible. In practice the movement has produced new forms of pluriculturalism and multilingualism and new combinations of class and cultural identity. As this analysis has suggested, there is a deeper history to the importance of exchanges across Maya groups and across Maya-Ladino divides, one which has yet to be written. That Maya families have histories of routine communication across language communities and Pan-Maya professionals make their living through familiarity with many cultural worlds provide evidence of the polycultural character of Maya resurgence in this world of diasporas. The scope of these engagements has changed as Pan-Mayanists work in different Maya communities, Maya and Ladino organizations, and transnational rights and development networks. Here Pan-Mayanism reflects global currents which despite all expectations continue to engender diversities in culture, language, and identification.


Notes

  1. See Warren (1998), Fischer (1993), Froman et al. (1978), Chacach (1997), Cojtí Cuxil (1997a), Gálvez (1997), Gálvez Borrell and Esquit Choy (1997), Smith (1990b, 1990c, 1991, 1992), Adams (1995), and Watanabe (1994, 1995).
  2. For this history, see the important work of Bastos and Camus (1995, 1996) and Solares (1993, 1995).
  3. See this antagonism played out through a discourse of cultural difference in Rutzijol's first-page editorials on November 1-15, 1994; November 16-30, 1994; March 16-31, 1995; and April 16-30, 1995.
  4. In this context, it is important to note that the word "peasant" in English generally has a narrower sense than the concept in Spanish in which it retains the regional sense of "people of the campo or countryside."
  5. . Programa Nacional de Educación Bilingüe which is now called DIGEBI. .
  6. Centro de Documentación e Investigación Maya. .
  7. Programa Nacional de Autogestión para el Desarrollo Educativo. .
  8. Instituto Guatemalteco de Escuelas Radiofónicas.


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